tv Civil Unrest Economic Conditions Before 1968 CSPAN August 8, 2018 9:34pm-10:44pm EDT
basis for demanding more rights in the future. that is this weekend on american history tv. c-span, where history unfolds daily. in 1979, c-span was created as a public service by america's cable television companies. today we continue to bring you unfiltered coverage of congress, the white house, the supreme court, and public policy events in washington dc and around the country. c-span is brought to you by your cable or satellite provider. this year marks the 50th anniversary of the 1968 poor luther byking jr. the focus of the civil rights movement to economic issues. reverend king was assassinated a few weeks before the campaign got underway in washington dc. next, from the smithsonian national museum of african
american history & culture, a discussion of civil unrest and economic conditions leading up to 1968, particularly in detroit, michigan and newark, new jersey. this is about an hour and 10 minutes. >> welcome to the national museum of african american history and culture. my name is aaron bryant and i am a curator here. i am also the curator for the exhibition, city of hope, which is actually across the street at the national museum for american history. it celebrates the life and legacy of doctor clement price sent to look at issues related to poverty. perhaps we can talk more about in 1968 applies to today.
i will give you an overview and then introduce our first guest. in 1967, an estimated 35 million people lived in poverty, with another 30 million people living just above the poverty line. seeing this as an injustice in a nation of means and prosperity, doctor mouton -- doctor martin luther king junior and others knew they had to even the score. they wanted to make the u.s. government to address some of the gaps between the haves and the have-nots. so, taking their message of economic opportunity nationwide, activists across the country mobilized their communities for a campaign in which a nation of people across every race, age, region and culture, would rally to protest. unfortunately, king was
assassinated before the campaign launched, but the movement continued in his honor. for six weeks, between may 12 and june 24, 1968, thousands of protesters lived on the national mall in an encampment known as resurrection city. this year, the national museum of african-american history and culture marks the 50th anniversary of martin luther king's death with a special exhibition that commemorates the civil rights leaders most daring vision for a national, multicultural, anti-poverty movement. again, titled project hope. the exhibit will run through the end of the year. that is actually what brings us here today. the clement alexander price lecture and the symposium is
part of a series that is generously supported by our friends at prudential financial and the prudential foundation. now, to introduce our very special partner, the senior vice president of diversity, inclusion and impact at prudential financial. she is chair and president of the prudential foundation. she originally joined to manage the educational grants and became vice president of the organization in 2002. she has dedicated her career in providing -- promoting equality. starting with her career as a civil rights attorney and now with her leadership at prudential. please join me with a warm welcome for ms. lata reddy. >> thank you, aaron and good
afternoon. on behalf of all of us at prudential, i wanted to add our welcome and say how proud we are to be a founding donor to the national museum of african american history and culture. we are also so pleased to sponsor the clement a. price lecture series. doctor price, or clem, to those of us who are fortunate enough to have known or worked with him, holds a special place for all of us at prudential. as you saw in the dedication, at the exhibit across the street, clem's impact exhibited far beyond the borders of newark, his hometown. today's topic, the poor critical time in our history and highlights issues of race and social justice and equality. things we continue to grapple with today.
recent research revealed that nearly half of u.s. households do not have sufficient liquid assets for three months in the absence of any income. that is a sobering statistic. it reflects what happens when the opportunity to reach economic prosperity is not reaching everyone equally. for the start, we have recognized the crippling impact that poverty has on families and communities. we were founded to help working families become more financially secure and we continue to strive to find solutions and pathways to prosperity for financially vulnerable communities. being founded and headquartered in newark has given us a perspective on the forces that campaign. that led us to redouble our work and investments there, helping to address systemic barriers and laying the ground nation and -- laying the
foundation and groundwork. we continue to work to ensure that residents share in this growth and rejuvenation. a true champion of the people of newark, his home, he made it his life's work. he knew that only by fully understanding the problems can we ever hope to be part of the solution. i believe clem would be honored to have this exhibit and lecture series dedicated in his name. i know he would be even more pleased to see the civic discourse in recognition of our shared humanity that we hope is a result of all of this. we are honored to have clem's wife and many family members joining us here today. mary sue is also a civic leader and provided more than 20 years of extraordinary leadership at
the helm of the new york museum before she retired in 2014. it is my pleasure to welcome mary sue to the podium, so please join me in welcoming her. >> you can see, in newark, we all love each other. for those of you who do not know my husband, clement a. price, i have to say he was probably never happier than when celebrated -- than when surrounded by fellow historians. our dear friend and museum director who has begun a sabbatical, realizing that he couldn't be here with us today, wrote me the following. just wanted you to know that i am thinking of you and smiling whenever i think about clem.
i miss him so much, but i feel his presence everywhere in this museum. i feel so blessed to have had clem in my life. thank you. how true that is. this museum, the national museum of african american history and culture, as part of his life as a public historian, whether it be documentaries or lectures. he believed history should be available and disseminated widely. on behalf of the over 50 members of clem's clem -- clan , i think the staff for this lecture. thank you rex ellis. deirdre cross. and aaron bryant and everyone who works here with such amazing devotion and diligence. you have already made this a shrine to everything we believe
in and in 18 short months, this has become a pilgrimage site. we would not be here if it were not for the generosity of prudential financial and the prudential foundation. thank you lata reddy send all of our partners here in newark. thank you also to the speakers. so many of them are good friends or former students. civil servants of the highest order. finally, as i present a t-shirt to the archive of this museum, i would like to do this. i ask you to stand, beginning with clements sister. his brother. come on, guys, stand. all of the prices here, please stand. especially the young people.
thank you all. >> thank you ms. price. we really appreciate it and really appreciate the support that doctor price and his family have always given to the museum. so now it is my distinct honor to introduce doctor julianne malveaux , our moderator for today's first panel, on civil unrest. he is the president and owner of a nonprofit organization in washington, dc. she earned her doctorate from mit and has taught at howard university. additionally, she served as president of historic bennett college. her writing has appeared in such publications as usa today,
black issues in higher education, newsmagazine, essence, and more. in addition, she is a commentator who has shared her views on numerous stations including abc, nbc, fox news, c- span and others. julianne malveaux's contribution have helped to shape public opinions across the nation. please help me welcome doctor julianne malveaux. i am so happy to see everybody here. i am so happy to be here. this museum is one of my favorite places in the world. the most important movements that we experienced.
let's not forget what doctor king wanted to do. he wanted to literally shut government down. he wanted us to go to every government department and ensure that what had to happen with housing and education happened. of course, he died before the campaign took place. it was when people really couldn't camp outside in mud. many did for some time. a lesson for our young people about resilience. you don't have to have perfect weather to have a movement. i want to say a couple of campaign in the context of the great society. there is a debate going on these days about who the best president ever was. a lot of people are harkening back to president obama, who, of course, was fantastic, but in my opinion, lbj was our best
president. 87 bills were passed in a three- year period that talked about changing the very fabric of our society. had state -- head start. the teacher score. the equal opportunity act. the vista program. the higher education act. the elementary and secondary school act. medicare. expansion of medicaid. the corporation for public broadcasting. the national endowment for the arts. you can't imagine a time when we didn't have those things. depending on what happens, we may lose some of them. environmental protection. there are like 15 environmental laws. actually 11. i can't read my own writing. water, air, endangered species, all of those things came from president johnson. so why one might ask, with all
this progressive legislation would we end up with uprising? was the promise too big? that it could not be met. that it fueled frustration. that is some of what we want to talk about on this panel today. this is just exciting. i am humbled to have been chosen to be with these giants. wilson will talk about newark. his pedigree, i don't read people's biographies, because i know you all can read. if you can't read, see me afterwards and we will hook you up. basically, he was the youngest head of the national bar association. he writes about newark and what happened. we will listen to him.
a friend and colleague has written this book that you absolutely have to read. it puts it in the kind of context that you want to have detroit in. so he will be our second panelist. he will be followed by someone who put the black power movement in context. this is an exciting bunch. they have agreed that they will speak no more than 10 minutes, probably something closer to eight minutes, so we have an opportunity for a couple of comments and questions. i will ask doctor williams if you would like to come up to the podium or if you would prefer to sit, it is your story. give him a round of applause. he is a hero, and icon, and amazing.
>> good afternoon. i want to, once again, thank the smithsonian. prudential. the price family. all for sharing and giving me an opportunity to share in return. this is a very nice topic. i am glad to see people out here, even with the rain. if this were in newark, i don't know if this many people would be coming out. anyway, this is the smithsonian. i want to create the context for doctor king and the poor things going on , some of which were outlined. i focus on 1968, by talking
about the city i know best, which is newark, new jersey. i want to do that by introducing to you three organizations and what we were doing at the time about which we are here to speak. one of them was the welfare rights organization, which was headed by marion kid. the other was the black organization of students at rutgers university, headed by joe brown. the third was the planning organization, or napa, which was headed by junius williams. we were like nato. all for one and one for all. and nobody was montenegro. we did not worry about anybody too small to defend, because we were all small. we were small organizations, but when we came together, the
singleness of it all was matched by the fit. confrontational politics was a day to day occurrence. we would meet together. these three organizations and others. we would meet together at my organization's office at the napa headquarters on thursday nights, where we would have the napa soul session. the napa soul session was signified as a designated time for us to come together. what we had, the unifying principle was a drink that we had, that was mixed in a garbage can. it was a kool-aid base, with i
send whatever liquor people could bring in that day, whether it was ron moore jim, whatever. we put it in there. the name of this was called mother. mf was the short name. it got that name because after you took your first drink, people drink it and said the, that sure is a -- after we had our mf and did our dancing and our singing, we would sit down and plan activities. there would be a takeover of a welfare office. okay. we would take over, quite often, welfare offices, because
we needed to get checks for women who had been denied. we would take over the housing authority, because they were displacing people and not putting them anywhere. and later, with the black organization of students, their time was yet to come. we supported the black organization of students when they took over rutgers university in 1969. this was our coalition. there was another group that came along during that period of time and it was called the committee for a unified newark. which started out as the united brothers, which was the brainchild of then leroy jones, who later become -- became --
who was the father of the mayor of newark at the time. it was different, because you found a stylized or ritualized form of black nationalism, so there was a little competition with those of us who didn't want to wear that at the time, but there was more cooperation. his wife talks very famously about how she took some of my operatives. that is the word she says. she did. she took two very important young ladies were a part of my organization and i never forgive them for that. i didn't let her know that. the context was always the rebellion. the rebellion, which had already happened in newark, in 1967. so you say, how could you go around taking over all these buildings.
instead of sending in the policeman, they would send in a sergeant to maybe make things a little smoother. when we went to the welfare office. a got so, when we went to the welfare office, the head of the welfare office would say, who are you here for, and they would bring out the emergency check book, right on the spot. there was the medical school. they wanted 120 acres, they said you couldn't have that. during those organizations, there was a nameless and faceless brother from 1967 who was always at the table with us. as a result, we got housing.
we got a job training program which trained about 600 black and puerto rican young men to do training and replaced them on the job and we got many of them union books. all because of the backdrop of the rebellion. and then, probably my favorite, was the stop -- was the fight to stop route 75. i took a group of about 40 people on a bus. they only expected about three of us. i had white ministers and black panthers, all on the bus. we closed the door and locked the door and i have a vision of all the people around the conference room and the highway directors scared to death. at one point i looked up and said, these people are scaring me. i better call this off.
we stopped it just in time, because they had the state police who were known for killing most of the folks in the rebellion, outside waiting to come in. two weeks later they called and said, mister williams, i want to tell you that we decided we don't need that highway after all. so this was the flavor. this was going on in newark in 1968. what did all of this have to do with doctor king and the poor by the way, most of this you can read about. in the book i mentioned and also the website. rise up newark.com. you can do that. but what does this have to do with doctor king? the movement at that time was localized.
the organizational movement. you will hear more about that. local things going on all over the country. number two, we were definitely black. race and racism was at its height. racism, because every time we gained something, the folks who didn't want us to have anything from the beginning struck back. race, because it was a period of discovery. we were just finding out who we were and we loved it. the slogan, black is beautiful. it is beautiful to be black. james brown said, say out loud. i am black and i am proud. we were militant about our discovery and militant about the way we went about asserting our right. so what does this have to do with doctor king? it meant america was on a powder keg. doctor king was that the horns
we understood race. we did not understand that much about economics. he was a man who said we need to have a guaranteed minimum income for people. just before his death. he decided we are going to have to do this poor people's campaign and wrap it up now. i am stopping now. we are going to have to do this poor people's campaign and i am going to leave it at that to let someone speak and perhaps we can continue with the poor people's continue -- campaign was all about. i try to give you the context. [ applause ]
good afternoon. i am very fortunate and very lucky to be invited to the clement price lecture service and probably unlucky to follow junius williams. i think one of the things about this moment, and i like to thank deidre who goes back to the university of iowa and the work she has been doing it for a number of years. she has been with me for a couple of years and all of the programming. finally made it to the theater. one of the things about reminiscing is it that we used
to have an expression, those who remember the 1960s, they weren't they are. but you were there. you were very much there and so was i. there is this inextricable connection between new work and it detroit. you might throw harlem and their also. even this program begins to express some of the dramatic aspects because i was looking over the program and so the introductions pick he talks about professor price and it is so good to be here. he said that in putting this museum together the professor provided the intellectual
political soul and i think that is exempla merry -- that exemplifies the attendance. it took us back to resurrection city, didn't it? all of the rain coming down and everything and clement price was outstanding. i got an opportunity to meet him a couple of times across the river, the hudson river over at rutgers university to interview him there. then having this opportunity to be here under his, on the kind of speeches that he gives in the political soul but he was representative of. it is really a pleasure and they are comrades in the
struggle. when i saw they were on the program, that made me feel right at home, really comfortable to be back with my colleagues and the struggle that many of them remember of the turbulent days in the 1960s. one of the things, i guess you heard the news today that the war against poverty is over. when did it start? if it is over, who won? i think the winner is corporate america. the wealthy of the country that continue to thrive and prosper meanwhile you can have the, and you know this very well, the economic advisors that put out the word that they were against
poverty was over. what it really means is a rational and a justification that they can move and further shred the safety net in this country. that is the underlying concern there that we have. you can see that happening day by day. just how terrible the situation is for the poor people in this country. what resonates through today's activity is racism and poverty. the two things are vitally and inextricably connected. racial injustice, the poverty of people in the country. talk about a war against poverty being over. it goes back to 1960 two the lbj and johnson administration
to take that on the agenda and actualized it. that was the concern of doctor king. that was the real motive and the impetus that was given to the poor people's campaign. he had already talked about the insufficient funds. he already said things about, i remember very well of the speech he gave in harlem at the riverside church. this is a year before his assassination pick he stood there and he told them about the war in vietnam. that the absolutely -- absolute waste of the money going to that war. he talked about the evils. in terms of military, racism
and poverty. that is with the -- that motivated him to say something needed to be done pick even when he went down to memphis and probably the best discussion you can read about the poor people's campaign and its origins was to read caretta scott kings autobiography pick she recounts the conversation with her husband and she -- he was beginning to think deeply about taking it beyond the concerns about race and begin to put it into a class context. one of the things that we have been talking about for several years now. of course, they touched on it briefly when they talked about malcolm x because many but that
malcolm king was on a trajectory. their ideas were together. what a formidable combination it would be in terms of striking against the evils in this country. racism, poverty, military is him, those other things that he began to really struggle with in the last moments of his life. in the poor people's campaign it was going to be the reality and bring it to the nation's capital. of course he never made it to that particularly -- particular plateau. later on this afternoon you will hear from bernard lafayette. some of the people who were just on the ramparts and pushing the particular initiative forward.
doctor king was very much concerned about all people. obviously the whole issue of black americans in the situation we face and i am taking statistics that were saying there's more than 40 million people in this country below the poverty line and we know that a good percentage of those are people of color. people of color who are struggling to make ends meet. 600 people arrived in detroit in 1968. they were part of this crusade that was on its way to washington that stopped in detroit. they were confronted by the police ultimately. the only brutal, the only real
violence happened right in detroit. obviously it was familiar turf frost because we have been struggling against police utility for a number of years but it was not uncommon to run into that situation. the reverend, the father of aretha franklin, his son headed to detroit for the campaign. i'm sure i don't have the time to get into the details but certainly the panel was coming and they will look at that. they will understand exactly what came out of that. 435 years no, i have been writing for the amsterdam news in harlem. i have been doing editorials on the front page. i am up to number 79 now.
that theme is and it was a theme i inherited from the previous publisher, the late wilbur tatum and his daughter is the publisher. she said we have to do something about this coming into office. i said, cool, i will put editorials on the front page. it is called, make america great again. trump must go. [ applause ] it is great to be here to pay tribute to my dear professor clement price. i was a student at workers in new york. speaking for the student committee in june 1966.
they introduced another agitation slogan, black power. the challenged the new leadership to realize self- determination, self respect and self-respect in black america. called for a broad experimentation in black liberation. black power was the most successful slogan since the 1920 charge you can accomplish what you will. the emergence of black power as a mass slogan singled a fundamental turning point in the modern african-american liberation struggle pairing it to a threshold of a new face that mark the shift in the direction of the movement from civil rights to national liberation. the great uprising, race riots and armada -- urban america in
the 1960s. between 1920, i'm sorry, 1963 and 1972, america experienced over 750 urban revolts. affecting more than 500 cities. during the first wave in the 1960s there was more than 300 major brilliance -- rebellions unfolding. after doctor king's assassination on april 4, 1968, there was another 200 uprisings and 172 cities. that is wave after wave of black youth demanding local economy galvanized by the black slogan. one sociology teacher said it was not just a slogan but a practice of an excluded community that transformed the
walls of the prison into the boundary of the free city. another wave of activists to join the result -- revolt. those urban battles where the most violent expression of ethnic conflict that shaped black consciousness and spread the demand for self- determination. some have equated black power exclusively with the black panther party. that is in oakland, california. that is a limited view of an epic. in the revolts of. the black power movement was articulated in the cultural political and economic programs developed not only by the black panther program but also by the black arts movement, the los angeles republic of africa.
african liberation support committee. that is the black power generation pick part of the rise at of racial bonding and the movement for self emancipation that the doctor called the most magnificent drama in the last millennium. to gather these -- together these galvanized millions of people in the broadest movement in african-american history. high school and college youth organized black student unions. professors created programs. athletes will be -- mobilized protest. militant unions. welfare mothers demanded power and dignity. soldiers resisted armory
discipline and resisted uprising. politically conscious inmates saluted malcolm x and george jackson. after each rebellion new organizations flowered. after the 1964 harlem rebellion, they concentrated on establishing the organization for african-american unity. the black arts movement and after the august 1965 movement the circle established of the los angeles organization. they proclaimed kwanzaa as a national holiday. after the september 1966 san francisco street fighting against killer cops, they fashioned divisions for the black panther party for self- defense. in 1967 in 1968 the uprisings
propelled the generation to the national crescendo. especially the july 1967 newark detroit rebellions. it looks like i won't be able to go into too much detail on those but anyway. on one hand the rebellions were the fruit of the black revolt to self-determination and self emancipation and self worth. however on the other hand the police and political repression where the bitter harvest of racism. i think i will stop. write about their because i think my time has run out. thank you so much.[ applause ] . let's give the panel another round of applause. [ applause ] >> i want to mentioned, you did
not have as much of an opportunity to talk about detroit as you would like. you did talk about poverty. between 1960 and 1968, the poverty rate in the united states was 22 %. it dropped to 12 %. it is about that now. for african-americans the rate in 1960 was 55 %. more than half of all african-americans lived in poverty pick this dropped to 27 % by 1968 and the single largest drop in the poverty rate. people were relatively better off in 1968. relatively. there are some stereotypes about who protested. in detroit as an example there was a piece of research that showed that want people to get to the streets after the assassination of doctor king,
one would have thought they were young and unemployed but they were mature and primarily meant who were employed and basically were feeling asked. to little bit about how rapid improvement did not mean that people were placated. they were eager for revolution -- resolution. that is an interesting dynamic in term of -- terms of understanding the class development. i think detroit, and i talk about this exclusively in my book, black detroit, the people's history of self- determination in which we characterize the rise of the black middle class and earlier we talked about the automobile industry and the union movement and how these things came together and gave detroit a
very, very unique kind of emergence unique evolution and my wife and i often talk about a period of time in detroit when the black middle class, you had your own home. it was almost like the little white cottage with the picket fence pick 2 1/2 children. a garage. we had those kind of things. look at some of the neighborhoods in new york -- detroit that i grew up in. i saw some aware that some of the students in detroit have brought a lawsuit against the city and state. actually the state because the state controls the education department court two decades. that is to say that you look at that situation compared to the system that produced me and you
had a middle class, a solid middle class where people were coming together in a solid way. i talked early about the church movement. that was connected to the union. that was connected to the emerging black middle class and the city. all of that is a part, when the mayor came into the office in 1960, the great society and always have concerns when we say great society with any kind of american connection of the slavery in this country but none the less, in the 60s the optimism was so present but
simmering underneath the optimism was a very very turbulent time that you would bust out and you saw it with police brutality. year after year the police were ravishing several itching -- savaging the african-american community . finally came to the head. the first african-american mayor and the city that stayed in office for 20 years. he got rid of this undercover hit team by night swat team that was decimating, particularly the movement. they were focusing on the political movement. i came out of the university and that was a hotbed of political activism right there. many of the formations that we understand as a parcel of the
black middle class. they are important in terms of galvanizing a certain kind of consciousness that spread across the country. >> thank you we appreciate you. >> you mentioned the national welfare rights organization. we do not hear about it much anymore. i don't think many people under 50 know that the organization existed. it was powerful and pivot a full -- pivotable because of the concerns that people had, especially women. my mother was a social worker. they made me stop envelopes but this was a time that women could not have their husbands in your home. now we have something like unemployed fathers being in the
home. talk more about that organization and some of the particulars. you all went down and made people cut the check pick does the terms and conditions of poverty, which were very different in 1967 and 1968 that were different. talk about that.>> the welfare department was at the dictator in charge of poor people's lives. if you were on afdc you had to follow the stringent rules. not only could your husband not be there but especially if you had a man that you are going with. that man could not be in the house >> it was called the man and the house will. you had to walk a straight and narrow line which was impossible for people to walk. many women and most of them were women who were on county welfare, we had city welfare to
put that was for individuals who did not have children. this was aid to dependent children i believe. marion heard about the national welfare rights organization which was headed by a man named george wally and the idea was to bring some dignity to the lives of these women and it was poor, black and brown and white women's opportunity to get accepted as women and to do things based on self empowerment. it was the equivalent of the national organization of women now. these women learned that they could, in fact, be somebody and do something. the welfare rights movement had
a program set up at the essex county college to get the college degrees for women on welfare. a lot of the women went on to get masters degrees. when i was with the administration in charge of the program i made sure that the welfare rights organization got money to set up a day care center and they rent it and they were in charge of it. there was another group of skills that were able -- they were able to get because they were involved in the movement. >> you are framing them in terms of the many organizations that were part of the movement. many of the organization had similar goals. i was a baby panther. we want it freedom and the power to determine our destiny
pick the party provided some of the services that the government did not pick there is a free breakfast and education program. talk about the other organization. there was a lot of them attempting to lift to the dignity of people which was very much a part of the campaign expect basically. each city had a different configuration of the groups. the black panthers were, i was supposed to join in the summer of 1968. 100 of us were there. bobby never showed up. it depended on which group you came in. i think what we need to understand is the community has a long tradition of these soft health -- self-help programs.
let's not have amnesia. what we were doing was re- inviting -- reinventing what our ancestors laid out with different tools. the black women's united front said you don't speak for us. we have our agenda. the national welfare rights organization is a very important statement because the largest group of women are here. 100,000 women. nationwide, they don't usually appear in the feminist or black power. we are just beginning to map out all of the defense -- different unions. the black student union is one of the most important things and particularly the high school students that have been left out. fred hampton leads the black panther party when he is -- i'm
sorry the naacp when he was 12 years old. it is very important for us. a lot of the youth that we are looking at today in these situations, we need to give them the resources. the walkout is about high school students i went out to la and met the students. they watch the film every year when they start. we need to reclaim the history. they are setting up stores and shops and other businesses and schools. they took over the hospitals to stop them. this is a multitude of things and to look at one group is a disservice. >> you
look at the long history. the resurrection city, i resurrect -- interviewed charlene who covered resurrection city and she talked about it and you can see her face light up when she talked about how amazing this experiment was. one of the things that stood out was the way she talked about the rainbow coalition. everybody was there. we seem to have moved away from that kind of intersection allie although it requires us to go back there. how do we get back to that sense of audacity that seems missing. without talking about the elected officials, maxine waters seems to be one of the very few that has and a fire.
where is the fire and how do we get back to that place? >> there is a number of issues there. the reason that the city, resurrection city could even come together to the extent it did was because people were organized. that is what i meant in the beginning of my statement. at the local level, people were organized that does not mean you mobilize because someone calls you on facebook and says go down to city hall and after that there isn't anything. that means you are organized you sleep, eat, together. you work together and struggle together and take care of people's personals problems together and you are organized that is the difference. that is why the current rebating -- rebooting of the campaign did not take off. the only organization which is like that with longevity and
staying power and people working together to take on the system even if you had to go to jail and crusted your life. the only place was north carolina. the reverend had the right idea but it takes time to build and he know that because it took him to build all the labor activity that was going on in north carolina and south carolina. the answer to why it is not happening now is people are not organized. they want to mobilize pick you don't depend upon the newspaper or the media to get the word out. the revolution will not be televised. you are not going to find out about it on facebook.
you are going to find out about it because you took the time to go into the neighborhood and talk to people about who the system has some kind of fear because once they get together, that is why they had to take out malcolm and king. you have to have that kind of organization. then you are onto something and you will not be doing that by way of facebook. i am suggesting that the reason we can't do it is because we have not reached -- she is looking at me and telling me to wrap up. i will stop.>> all right. we have very limited time. >> she is doing her absolute job. i like each of you. don't simmer in this.>> what are the
things -- perhaps we do have many movements. they are happening across the country and perhaps it is a good thing that people don't know about it because before, this was broadcasting everything and you are tipping off the enemy is what you are doing. black lives matter and the black liberation movement, that is it blm plus blm. we have to bring that together. the dialogue has to occur. the panels where you mix it up a bit from the agenda stand point and an age standpoint. it is good to know you have a young man coming later. that is the youthful inspiration that
some of us old folks need to be reminded. there is a revival going on. the reverend ed of north carolina with his moral mondays has revived the poor people's campaign. i am sure you are going to hear more about it later on when they arrive. you can get some details of what is going on because he brought it to detroit. taking it right back to that moment in 1968. you had the police attack all of these here marchers preparing to go to dc. >> thank you. >> you also have a broader movement. he talked about young people. there is an amazing and uncomfortable generational tension between the millennials
and the boomers. quite frankly, i am mad at the millennials who said they could not vote for hillary because they did not like her. >> i did not like anybody until i voted for jesse. that is the first time. barack obama i loved. don't have to like your politicians. that is why they are politicians. in the context of the question, talk about history of the generational tension. is it something we will always have with us? >> i think the big deal is, you talked about 1968. the rising sense of self-worth. most started because of police brutality. they have been beating people up in those neighborhoods. i was beaten up at 12 for the
first time. i was at the proceeding -- precinct where the rebellion started. one day because of this movement , you deserve better than that. being beaten by the police is unbearable but the big thing is when it is unacceptable. you say hey, i am very proud of no work. i was beaten up and that precinct. my mother called the police to help me out and they beat me up instead. that was going on for a decade. those people that rebelled on that one day and people said why did they do this works one decade. how many boys and girls were tortured and that precinct. 1970 two mothers came to the headquarters and said they took
our sons. they are 15. i went to the same prince day -- precinct and said you have two of my people. he said i did not know that they were members of your group. they had no charges. let them go. that is what they are dealing with today. if they acknowledge it we can bond over this situation. >> thank all of you. that has been fantastic.[ applause ]that concludes our time. give this lady some applause. she is keeping honest with our time. i think as you ponder and think about what the hosts have said, get a different perspective on the poor people's campaign and some of the contradictions that have occurred in our own community. continue to think about and